Video game addiction is a mental health disorder, WHO says, but some health experts don't agree

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The World Health Organization says that compulsively playing video games now qualifies as a new mental health condition, in a move that some critics warn may risk stigmatizing too many young players. (June 18) AP

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Corrections & Clarifications: An earlier version wrongly characterized the timing of the American Psychiatric Association’s position on gaming disorders and the date when it included it in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders appendix.

Can someone truly be addicted to video games? The World Health Organization thinks so – but some mental health experts strongly disagree.

The World Health Organization on Monday classified “gaming disorder” as a diagnosable condition, giving mental health professionals a basis for setting up treatment and identifying risks for the addictive behavior. But it’s a stance contested by some mental health professionals.

“There was a fairly widespread concern that this is a diagnosis that doesn’t really have a very solid research foundation,” said Christopher Ferguson, a psychologist and media researcher at Stetson University in DeLand, Fla. Monday

The American Psychiatric Association held to its earlier position that there was not “sufficient evidence” to consider gaming addiction as a “unique mental disorder.” So did the The Society for Media Psychology and Technology, a division of the American Psychological Association, which earlier this year released a policy statement expressing concern about the WHO’s proposal, saying, “the current research base is not sufficient for this disorder.”

The disagreement casts veil of confusion over how to approach a behavior associated with some deaths over the last two decades and as parents grapple with the increased popularity of online gaming.

The Geneva-based WHO said it will include “gaming disorder” in the 11th edition of its International Classification of Diseases, which is due out this month and is used by professionals across the globe to diagnose and classify conditions. It will describe thedisorder as “impaired control over gaming, increasing priority given to gaming over other activities to the extent that gaming takes precedence over other interests and daily activities, and continuation or escalation of gaming despite the occurrence of negative consequences.”

But some mental health professionals have been fighting this classification, worried that it’s more grounded in moral concerns than science.

The symptoms are not clear-cut and there’s not designated treatment for the WHO diagnosis, Ferguson said.

The WHO’s “gaming disorder” diagnosis would apply togamers with fractured connections to friends and family and who exhibit impaired academics and indifference toward areas of life outside gaming for at least 12 months.

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Only a small percentage of people across the world deal with this disorder, according to the WHO. But the number suffering from this mental health condition is enough to study the behavioral pattern and create a treatment program, the organization says.

From 0.3 percent to 1 percent of the general population might qualify for a potential acute diagnosis of “internet gaming disorder,” according to a study published in the November 2016 American Journal of Psychiatry and referenced on the American Psychiatric Association blog in May 2017.

The APA included the disorder in the appendix of the 2013 edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders along with caffeine use disorder and other conditions to stimulate research into those disorders.

Not all experts were critical of WHO’s stance. “I can’t imagine they came to this decision lightly,” said Iowa State University psychology professor Douglas Gentile. “(It) undermines the ability of public health professions to do their jobs if we’re second-guessing them and their work.”

For parents concerned about their child, teen or young adult, some more practical advice involves assessing their kids’ lifestyle and health. Are they giving up their friends or other hobbies for games? “But if they keep their grades up (and their) friends and hobbies, then it’s not an addiction,” Gentile said.

​​Other signs of concern: Kids not sleeping or having health problems.

“Sometimes gaming overuse can be a symptom that something is going wrong for the child,” said Ferguson, who also co-authored Moral Combat: Why the War on Video Games is Wrong with Patrick Markey. “The likelihood is the problem is bigger than gaming and gaming didn’t cause it.”

Medical professionals are more focused on the reason causing the behavior than the behavior of playing video games itself, said Heather Senior Monroe, director of program development at Newport Academy, which has treatment centers for teens struggling with mental health issues in California, Connecticut and Pennsylvania. “The main characteristics are very similar to substance abuse disorder and gambling,” she said.

“The behavior is like any other self harming behavior – a way to escape reality,” Monroe said. “The treatment is then about why. Why does that person want to escape their reality so much?”

The answer: depression and anxiety, usually, Monroe said.

As interest in online games has risen internationally, there have been extreme cases of death tied to marathon video game sessions. Last year, a 35-year-old Virginia Beach man died after a 24-hour marathon session of the World of Tanks video game, broadcast on video game streaming service Twitch.

In 2002, a South Korean man was believed to be the first person to die from online game binge-playing after playing for 86 hours. Three years later, another South Korean man died in an internet cafe.

China, too, has been hit with deaths from addictive online game behavior with separate deaths in 2007 and 2011. More recently, in 2015, a man died in a Shanghai internet cafe after playing World of Warcraft for 19 consecutive hours.

Other deaths connected to marathon game sessions in the last six years have occurred in Taiwan, Russia and the U.K.

To address the issue, South Korea in 2011 passed a law prohibiting those under 16 from playing online games between midnight and 6 a.m. However in 2014, the country amended the law, allowing parents to lift the ban on their children.

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Iran’s Telegram Ban Has Impacted All Corners of the Country

Seven weeks after Iran’s conservative-led judiciary banned the secure communications app Telegram inside the country, Iranians are still reeling from the change. Though Telegram has critics in the security community, it has become wildly popular in Iran over the last few years as a way of communicating, sharing photos and documents, and even doing business. The service is streamlined for mobile devices, and its end-to-end encryption stymies the Iranian government’s digital surveillance and censorship regime. If the government can’t see what you’re talking about and doing, it can’t block or ban behavior it doesn’t like. Telegram’s defenses, combined with robust support for Farsi, have attracted 40 million active Iranian users—nearly half the country’s population.

On Tuesday, the Center for Human Rights in Iran published a detailed report on the profound impact of blocking Telegram, based on dozens of firsthand accounts from inside the country. Researchers found that the ban has had broad effects, hindering and chilling individual speech, forcing political campaigns to turn to state-sponsored media tools, limiting journalists and activists, curtailing international interactions, and eroding businesses that grew their infrastructure and reach off of Telegram.

The report found that many Iranians continue to use the service through circumvention tools, namely VPNs. Iranians tend to be familiar with and adept at using these options, because they also rely on them to access other blocked online services like Facebook. But the Iranian government’s technological capabilities have evolved as well, making it increasingly difficult to maintain usable access to Telegram.

“The only channel of communication that was unfiltered was Telegram. For many Iranians the internet is Telegram and Telegram is the internet,” says Omid Memarian, deputy director of the Center for Human Rights in Iran. “It was like a huge hole in the country’s wall of censorship, so our expectation was that sooner or later they would block that hole.”

‘For many Iranians the internet is Telegram and Telegram is the internet.’

Omid Memarian, Center for Human Rights in Iran

Based in Dubai, Telegram has publicly resisted Iranian government efforts to force it to comply with censorship demands. As Iran has tightened its technological stranglehold on content availability, hardline conservatives within the Iranian government have increasingly blamed Telegram for mounting unrest and resentment toward the regime. Officials blocked Telegram briefly in December 2017 amid widespread street protests over government corruption and unemployment.

“Foreign messaging networks should comply with the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and should not publish immoral material,” Abolhassan Firouzabadi, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme Cyberspace Council said in November. “If they cooperate with us, there won’t be any problem. Otherwise, we will move towards introducing restrictions against them.”

The recent, long term ban was mandated by Iran’s judiciary, and wasn’t initiated by the government departments that typically oversee technology and censorship policy. Iranian President Hassan Rouhani even criticized the ban publicly in May a few days after it went into effect. It moved forward anyway.

The researchers found that the ban immediately impacted personal communications and businesses—like advertising and marketing groups—run through Telegram with few comparable communication services to take its place. Even the government itself relies on Telegram to function smoothly.

“Email is not widely used. But with Telegram, email has become irrelevant,” says Ahmed, a government employee interviewed for the research. “We send files, reports, letters and office communications through Telegram. When Telegram was blocked in January, it created serious problems for us. Sometimes the ministerial offices could not send letters because of problems with installing circumvention tools.”

Because Telegram subsumes so many web functions, Iranians have actively fought to stay on it. “What we are seeing is even after the ban, using of Telegram has not dropped off as much as you would think,” says Amir Rashidi, an internet security and digital rights researcher at the Center for Human Rights in Iran. “The government has blocked some circumvention tools, and not everyone has access to them, but Telegram is still operating in Iran. The ban has not been fully successful yet.”

‘The government paid a large price by losing the trust of people who used to be considered their supporters.’

Omid Memarian

Iran’s educated middle class and its more affluent citizens have long had at least sporadic access to circumvention tools for defeating the country’s censorship regime. So the government’s information-control initiatives have generally been more successful with disenfranchised groups. But Memarian points out that this population—typically a reliable base for conservative Iranian leaders—was actually fueling the protests in December. And he adds that blocking Telegram, a move meant to limit this population’s access to organizing tools, seems to be having effects the Iranian government did not intend.

“Prior to banning Telegram, the people who could feel the lack of free expression and sense the lack of freedom in general were from the educated middle class, from the civil society—a relatively small group,” Memarian said. “But now for the first time someone had to block something from 40 million people, so people who had no idea what it means to lose your freedom online, they got it. The government paid a large price by losing the trust of people who used to be considered their supporters.”

Though the government ban hasn’t actually eliminated Telegram from Iran and, if anything, has fueled government opposition, the move to block it and the judiciary’s ability to quickly initiate this plan indicates consolidated power and a unified approach within the government. “There is a perception that the government in Iran is a moderate government. Over the past few years the president has made a few remarks that people should have access to the internet and on a few occasions the government has actually prevented the blocking of messaging apps,” Memarian says. “But our research shows that there’s a consensus on blocking Telegram, it seems that it’s one of the major policies within the state. So that perception that it’s a moderate government is wrong.”


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Analysis: Zillow Shows Rising Seas Threaten Over 300,000 Homes

This story originally appeared on The Guardian and is part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Sea level rise driven by climate change is set to pose an existential crisis to many US coastal communities, with new research finding that as many as 311,000 homes face being flooded every two weeks within the next 30 years.

The swelling oceans are forecast repeatedly to soak coastal residences collectively worth $120 billion by 2045 if greenhouse gas emissions are not severely curtailed, experts warn. This will potentially inflict a huge financial and emotional toll on the half a million Americans who live in the properties at risk of having their basements, backyards, garages or living rooms inundated every other week.

“The impact could well be staggering,” said Kristina Dahl, a senior climate scientist at the Union of Concerned Scientists. “This level of flooding would be a tipping point where people in these communities would think it’s unsustainable.

“Even homes along the Gulf coast that are elevated would be affected, as they’d have to drive through salt water to get to work or face their kids’ school being cut off. You can imagine people walking away from mortgages, away from their homes.”

The UCS used federal data from a high sea level rise scenario projected by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and combined it with property data from the online real estate company Zillow to quantify the level of risk across the lower 48 states.

Under this scenario, where planet-warming emissions are barely constrained and the seas rise by about 6.5 feet globally by the end of the century, 311,000 homes along the US coastline would face flooding on average 26 times a year within the next 30 years—a typical lifespan for a new mortgage.

The losses would multiply by the end of the century, with the research warning that as many as 2.4 million homes, worth around a trillion dollars, could be put at risk. Low-lying states would be particularly prone, with a million homes in Florida, 250,000 homes in New Jersey and 143,000 homes in New York at risk of chronic flooding by 2100.

“Unfortunately, many coastal communities will face declining property values as risk perceptions catch up with reality.”Rachel Cleetus, Union of Concerned Scientists

This persistent flooding is likely to rattle the housing market by lowering property prices and making mortgages untenable in certain areas. Flood insurance premiums could rise sharply, with people faced with the choice of increasing clean-up costs or retreating to higher ground inland.

“Unfortunately, in the years ahead many coastal communities will face declining property values as risk perceptions catch up with reality,” said Rachel Cleetus, an economist and climate policy director at UCS. “In contrast with previous housing market crashes, values of properties chronically inundated due to sea level rise are unlikely to recover and will only continue to go further underwater, literally and figuratively.”

The report does not factor in future technological advances that could ameliorate the impact of rising seas, although the US would be starting from a relatively low base compared with some countries given that it does not have a national sea level rise plan. And the current Trump administration has moved to erase the looming issue from consideration for federally funded infrastructure.

The oceans are rising by about 3 mm a year due to the thermal expansion of seawater that’s warming because of the burning of fossil fuels by humans. The melting of massive glaciers in Greenland and Antarctica is also pushing up the seas—NASA announced last week that the amount of ice lost annually from Antartica has tripled since 2012 to an enormous 241 billion tons a year.

This slowly unfolding scenario is set to pose wrenching choices for many in the US. Previous research has suggested that about 13 million Americans may have to move due to sea level rise by the end of the century, with landlocked states such as Arizona and Wyoming set for a population surge.

“My flood insurance bill just went up by $100 this year, it went up $100 the year before,” said Philip Stoddard, the mayor of South Miami. “People on the waterfront won’t be able to stay unless they are very wealthy. This isn’t a risk, it’s inevitable.

“Miami is a beautiful and interesting place to live—I’m looking at a lizard on my windowsill right now. But people will face a cost to live here that will creep up and up. At some point they will have to make a rational economic decision and they may relocate. Some people will make the trade-off to live here. Some won’t.”

ShareWaste’s Compost-Finding App Makes an Internet Community Grow

With summer upon us, you’re no doubt tending your garden. Which hopefully means you’re composting too.

Using food waste to enrich your soil benefits the earth in a number of ways, including reducing the use of chemical fertilizers and decreasing methane emissions in landfills. And while it’s difficult to recycle things like cans and plastics yourself, composting is something you can do at home pretty easily. Collect food scraps, add some water, stir the mix to provide oxygen, let it all sit long enough to decompose, and voila: Your plants have never been happier.

But not everyone has space for keeping a compost heap, and not everyone’s got a green thumb. Some cities have mandated composting services that collect food scraps from residents and do all the dirty work at a central facility. But until composting is mandated everywhere, you might have to get creative and team up with neighbors to make and share compost.

That’s something the team behind ShareWaste wants to facilitate. Launched in 2016, the app uses a digital map to connect individuals with food scraps to nearby neighbors who have a compost system like a heap or a bin. Users accepting compost scraps can mark their compost site on the map for other users to find. Nearly 6,000 users are currently signed up for ShareWaste across the globe.

To become a user, ShareWaste asks for an email address and a first name. Next, you can add your compost station to the map. Specify if you’d like scraps for garden compost or for a chicken run (many chicken owners use the birds to help process food and yard waste), and whether your operation is for an individual household or a larger community. On the map, sites are represented by three different icons: The chicken icon means a site that uses scraps to feed animals; the flower icon stands for a larger community garden compost; and the most common icon looks like your average wooden compost bin, representing home-run composts.

Clicking an icon shows you a bit more information about that specific site, like the first name of its user, what kind of scraps it takes, and its location. To protect user privacy, the exact address of the host is hidden, so users must message hosts through the app to arrange meeting times and drop-offs.

Compost World

Whether or not you’re dealing with compost, browsing the map is pretty cool. It gives you a little insight into grassroots waste management infrastructure, and tech trends across the globe. In the United States, I counted over 100 compost sites, mostly planted on the East Coast. Some of them are lone dots, but most are clumped together around cities. In Texas, there’s one in Dallas and five others clumped in neighboring towns less than 40 miles away. There aren’t any in New York City, and only one in San Francisco—cities with municipal composting programs in place. (The user behind that San Francisco Bay area site is named Doug. He hasn’t had much luck on ShareWaste, but he does have half a million worms and is currently experimenting with rabbit droppings.)

Head south to Latin America and you’ll see a mere two sites; one in Ecuador and one in Costa Rica, two countries known for their environmental conservation policies. In Africa, you can count four. But scroll over to the UK or the Eastern coast of Australia, and you’ll find heaps of heaps.

Dirt Down Under

ShareWaste was started after founders Eliska Bramborova and Tomas Brambora relocated from Prague to Sydney. They didn’t know anyone, and it’s never easy to meet your neighbors in a new city. Unless, that is, you start bringing them your food scraps.

With a growing pile of scraps, the couple took to a community Facebook page to see if they could find any takers. Within half an hour, they had found a place to bring their waste. Better yet, they got to know their neighbors.

Now they have three compost hosts. One of them, an American guy, occasionally gives them homemade kimchi when they drop off their scraps. In return, they bring him homemade jam. “You know,” says Bramborova, “there’s like, a little economy growing.”

The meetups can be educational too. When users drop off their scraps, they see first-hand the ways a person can compost from home. After enough visits, they might want to start their own garden or their own compost site. And since chickens are frequently the recipients of collected food scraps, people get to learn about keeping those too.

“It’s sustainability,” Bramborova says, “from the people’s side. Connecting communities and encouraging them to take steps (toward) a more sustainable home.”

Speaking of sustainability, the couple is searching for ways to keep their app alive. Managing the online community—not to mention a baby—takes all of their spare time. But Bramborova is optimistic they’ll find a business partner to ease the weight of running ShareWaste. Hopefully, it’s one who shares their vision of turning compost into community, or as Bramborova says, “waste into treasure.”


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The Man Who Saw the Dangers of Cambridge Analytica Years Ago

In December 2014, John Rust wrote to the head of the legal department at the University of Cambridge, where he is a professor, warning them that a storm was brewing.

According to an email reviewed by WIRED, Rust informed the university that one of the school’s psychology professors, Aleksandr Kogan, was using an app he created to collect data on millions of Facebook users without their knowledge. Not only did the app collect data on people who opted into it, it also collected data on those users’ Facebook friends. He wrote that if just 100,000 people opted into the app, and if they had an average of 150 friends each, Kogan would have access to 15 million people’s data, which he could then use for the purposes of political persuasion. Journalists had already begun poking around, and Rust wanted the school to intervene, arguing Kogan’s work put the university at risk of “considerable media attention, almost entirely adverse.”

“Their intention is to extend this to the entire US population and use it within an election campaign,” Rust wrote of Kogan and his client, a little-known political consulting firm that went on to be called Cambridge Analytica. He predicted, “I simply can’t see this one going away.”

Six months later, Donald Trump announced his candidacy for President of the United States, and launched a campaign that depended, in part, on Cambridge Analytica’s work. His shocking election victory in 2016 thrust the firm into the spotlight, earning the company contracts with major commercial clients around the world. But more than a year after it helped get Trump in the White House, news broke that Cambridge Analytica had hired Kogan to harvest the data of tens of millions of American Facebook users without their consent, stoking international outrage from those who felt their privacy had been violated.

As director of the university’s Psychometrics Centre, which researches and develops psychological tests, Rust knew better than most how Facebook data can be manipulated. It was researchers in his own lab who first discovered that Facebook likes could be used to deduce all sorts of sensitive information about people’s personalities and political persuasions. But he says the goal of that research—and the goal of his 40 years in the field—was to warn the world about what can be done with this data and the dangers of allowing it to be so freely traded.

Years later, Rust takes no joy in being proven right. “We could see even four years ago the potential damage it would do, and there was nothing we seemed to be able to do to stop it,” he says today.

Facebook now acknowledges that Kogan collected the Facebook data of up to 87 million Americans and sold it to Cambridge Analytica. But as CEO Mark Zuckerberg and his team attempt to clean up the mess, Rust is hardly being hailed as some digital Paul Revere. Instead, his entire department and indeed his entire legacy have been swept up with both Kogan and Cambridge Analytica, accused by Zuckerberg himself of committing the very violations that Rust tried to warn against. “Our number one goal is to protect people’s data first and foremost,” says Ime Archibong, Facebook’s director of product partnerships. “We have an opportunity to do better.”

Since this spring, when news of the scandal broke, Facebook has cut off several apps used in the Psychometrics Centre’s work, and in his testimony before Congress earlier this year, Zuckerberg suggested that “something bad” might be going on within the department that required further investigation from Facebook. In written responses submitted to Congress last week, Facebook mentions the Psychometrics Centre 16 times, always in conjunction with Kogan, who briefly collaborated with the researchers there.

Now Rust and others await the results of Facebook’s investigation, which is itself on hold until UK regulators finish their own probe. And yet the Centre’s reputation already seems inextricably bound to the fallout of the Cambridge Analytica scandal. Rust fears the condemnations from Facebook have not only tainted the legacy of the department, they’ve brought a key area of research to a halt at a time when Rust insists it’s needed most.


Rust believes the science of psychometrics was born to be abused. At its most basic, it is the science of measuring people’s mental and psychological traits, strengths, and weaknesses. It forms the basis of the SAT and IQ tests, but it’s also been used for all manner of dark and disturbing ends, including eugenics.

“It has a long history of being a science where people say, ‘Gee, that’s amazing. It will change the world.’ And it does, but it doesn’t always change the world in the way people want it,” Rust says. He is sitting near the almost empty row of computers that comprise the tiny Psychometrics Centre. It is modestly demarcated with a slender sign resting on a cabinet and a finger puppet of Sigmund Freud and his couch propped up against it.

Early on in his career studying psychology, Rust saw how IQ tests and other aptitude tests were being used to justify discrimination against people of different races, locking them out of academic and professional opportunities. One of his PhD professors, Hans Eysenck, was a prominent proponent of the theory that people of different races were genetically predisposed to have different IQs.

“There I am stuck in a field, which was shifting increasingly to the right, and I felt there was an obligation to show their approach was wrong,” says Rust, who describes himself as an anarchist in his younger years. “Most people would have just given up the field. I didn’t. We had to address all of these issues.”

Rust launched the Psychometrics Centre at the City University of London in 1989, where he initially focused on developing an intelligence test for children. In 2005, he moved the Centre over to the University of Cambridge. But it wasn’t until 2012, and the arrival of an academic named David Stillwell, that the Centre’s work shifted to social media. While most personality tests are administered by schools and businesses that never show participants their results, Stillwell had developed an app that let people take personality tests on their own and get their results. They could also opt to share the results with the researchers.

The app, called myPersonality, also plugged into Facebook and asked participants to opt in a second time if they wanted to share data from their Facebook profiles. It only collected data on the people who opted in, not their friends, and included a disclaimer saying the information could be “stored and used for business purposes, and also disclosed to third parties, for example (but not limited to) research institutions, in an anonymous manner.” MyPersonality went viral, amassing data on 6 million participants between 2007 and 2012, about 30 to 40 percent of whom opted to share their Facebook data with the researchers, as well.

‘We could see even four years ago the potential damage it would do, and there was nothing we seemed to be able to do to stop it.’John Rust, Psychometrics Centre director

In March of 2013, Stillwell, a PhD student named Michal Kosinski, and a third researcher coauthored a now-famous paper showing that Facebook likes, even for seemingly benign topics like curly fries or thunderstorms, could be used to predict highly sensitive details about people, including their sexual orientation, ethnicity, and religious and political views. At the time, Facebook Page likes were still public, meaning anyone could collect information on everyone who liked a given Page on their own. The paper warned about how these predictions “could pose a threat to an individual’s well-being, freedom, or even life,” and concluded with a plea for companies like Facebook to give users “transparency and control over their information.”

“It was scary. It still is,” Rust says of the revelation. “It showed communicating through cyberspace was completely different than writing a letter or having a telephone conversation. A digital footprint is like your avatar.”

He says he hoped the research would bring about a crucial conversation about what it really means to let algorithms run amok on massive data sets—conversations that were happening largely behind closed doors in Silicon Valley. The paper, and the ones that followed, earned the two researchers, and the Psychometrics Centre, international attention. In 2013, the Centre began licensing the anonymous data set for other academics to use, leading to dozens of additional research papers. Those collaborators had to agree to terms that prohibited sharing the data, de-anonymizing the data, or using it for commercial purposes.

At the time, Facebook’s terms prohibited selling data or transferring it to data brokers. But it did allow app developers to share data for academic research under certain terms. Users needed to consent to their data being shared, for example. The developer also needed to ensure other researchers agreed to the terms before accessing it—you couldn’t just put data sets up on a website. Facebook’s terms are continually changing, and according to the company, developers are bound by the most current ones. That means the onus is on developers to ensure their apps are aligned with Facebook’s terms every time they change.

Rust says the researchers in his department believed they were complying with all of Facebook’s rules, and back then, at least, Facebook seemed to agree. In 2011, the company paid Stillwell’s way to a workshop on using Facebook data for research, and in 2015 a Facebook researcher invited Kosinski to present his findings at a conference in Long Beach, California. If there was anything wrong with the work they were doing, neither Facebook nor the researchers seemed aware of it.


Around 2012, Rust invited Kogan, a new professor working in the university’s psychology department, to meetings at the Psychometrics Centre. Kogan had established the Cambridge Prosociality and Well-Being Lab, which, according to its website, studied “the psychology of human kindness and well-being.”

“I thought this was a nice, hospitable thing to do to a new university lecturer,” Rust says of the invitation. He now regrets that decision.

Kogan became intimately familiar with the Psychometrics Centre’s data and its models. He was even an examiner on Kosinski’s dissertation. Then, in 2014, a year after Stillwell and Kosinski’s landmark paper published, Kogan and his partner Joe Chancellor launched a firm called Global Science Research. Its client, SCL Elections, which would later become Cambridge Analytica, wanted Kogan to work with the Psychometrics Centre to amass Facebook data on the American electorate and use it to understand people’s personality types for the purpose of political advertising. But the relationship between Kogan, Stillwell, and Kosinski soon soured over contract negotiations that would have left the Psychometrics Centre with a much smaller cut of the budget than originally discussed. Stillwell and Kosinski ultimately declined to work with Kogan, and afterward, the university made Kogan sign a legal document saying he wouldn’t use any of the university’s resources—including its data—for his business.

“We were just watching in a state of, what’s going to happen next?” Rust says.

What happened next is the stuff of breaking news push alerts. Over the summer of 2014, Kogan and Chancellor recruited people to take personality quizzes through their own app called This Is Your Digital Life, thereby gaining access to their Facebook data, as well as the data on tens of millions of their friends. Over the course of that summer, they amassed 50 million records, 30 million of which they sold to Cambridge Analytica, despite Facebook’s prohibition on selling data. Kogan maintains he didn’t know he was violating Facebook’s policies, which he argues the company rarely enforced anyway.

As Rust heard reports about this work from PhD students working with Kogan, he says he grew increasingly concerned. Meanwhile, a reporter from The Guardian, who went on to break the story about Kogan’s methods in 2015, had begun poking around, asking Kogan, Stillwell, and Kosinski questions. According to emails reviewed by WIRED, the researchers worried their work would be lumped in with Kogan’s. It was in this environment at the end of 2014 that Rust decided to sound the alarm.


Last Thursday, Aleksandr Kogan walked into a Starbucks just south of Central Park, looking almost Zuckerbergian in his light blue t-shirt and jeans. He and his wife have been living in New York since November, a few months before, as he puts it, “one hell of a nuclear bomb” dropped into their lives. In March, The New York Times and The Guardian broke the story that made Kogan front-page news and led to him being banned from Facebook. The company has repeatedly cast Kogan as a singularly bad apple, while the armchair sleuths of the internet have used his Russian heritage and research ties to St. Petersburg University to accuse him of being a Russian spy. Now, as he waits for his contract at Cambridge to run out, he knows his career in academia is over.

“This has not worked out well for me, personally,” Kogan said loudly, unafraid of who might be listening. This is one of many reasons that he’d make a lousy spy, he added with a laugh.

Kogan has already testified in front of the UK Parliament, and on Tuesday, he’ll appear at a Senate hearing, too. When he does, he’ll have a different version of events to share than Rust. For starters, Kogan has claimed repeatedly that Stillwell and Kosinski’s methods for predicting people’s personalities and other traits weren’t actually all that effective. That argument is hard to square with the fact that Kogan sold these very methods to Cambridge Analytica. And yet, he’s not alone in making this claim. Other academics and political operatives familiar with Cambridge Analytica’s work have accused the company of selling snake oil.

‘This has not worked out well for me, personally.’

Aleksandr Kogan

Kogan also says Rust is writing a revisionist history of events, casting himself as a whistle-blower when, Kogan says, the Psychometrics Centre wanted in on the project up until contract negotiations fell through. “When they couldn’t get back on the project, they were like, ‘This is an ethics violation,’” Kogan says, pointing a finger sarcastically in the air. “Never has greed served someone so well.”

He concedes, though, that everyone would have been better off had they heeded Rust’s warning back then, and admits that, as he gobbled up this data, he was blind to the risk of public backlash. He’s sorry about the chaos he’s created. “If people are upset, then fuck yeah, we did something wrong,” he says.

But he insists he’s not the only one. The core problem, he argues, is not that “something bad” is happening at the Psychometrics Centre but, rather, that Facebook gave user data away to developers with minimal oversight for years. The company celebrated the work of Stillwell and Kosinski. It hired Chancellor, Kogan’s partner, for its research team and gave Kogan specially curated data sets for his own research. Now Facebook insists it was unaware that any of these academics may have been violating its policies.

“We had no understanding of the violations that were potentially happening,” says Facebook’s Archibong. “This is the reason we’re stepping up and investigating now.”

The University of Cambridge says it is also conducting its own investigation. “We are undertaking a wide-ranging review of all the available information around this case,” a spokesperson said. “Should anything emerge from this review, or from our request to Facebook, the university will take any action necessary in accordance with our policies and procedures.”

But for Kogan, all of this scapegoating of academics is a distraction. If Cambridge Analytica had collected the data itself, instead of buying it from Kogan, no one would have violated Facebook’s policies. And yet, tens of millions of people would still have had their data used for political purposes without their knowledge. That’s a much deeper problem that Facebook—and regulators—have to grapple with, Kogan says. On this point, at least, he and Rust see eye to eye.


Since this spring, Facebook has suspended just about every app the Centre ever touched. Archibong says the company will reinstate the apps if it finds no evidence of wrongdoing, but that may take a while. Facebook is waiting out an investigation by the UK Information Commissioner’s Office before it proceeds with its own audit. In the meantime, the company won’t comment on what policies the Psychometrics Centre’s apps may have violated, leaving the researchers in limbo.

“It’s just a PR exercise for them to say they’re doing something about it,” says Vesselin Popov, director of business development for the Psychometrics Centre.

In addition to myPersonality, Facebook suspended an app called YouAreWhatYouLike, developed in partnership with a company called CubeYou, which has also been banned from Facebook. (Facebook says CubeYou was suspended because of a “suspected violation independent of its ties to the Psychometrics Centre.”) That app showed people their personality predictions from Facebook likes, as well as predictions about their friends. According to CubeYou, the company never sold that data, but did get consent from users to store and share it anonymously, in accordance with Facebook’s terms at the time. Facebook also suspended a tool developed by the Centre called Apply Magic Sauce. It included both a consumer-facing app that let users take personality quizzes, as well as an API, which businesses could use to apply the Centre’s personality-profiling models to their own data sets. The Centre says it never sold that data, either, though it did make money by selling the API to businesses.

Facebook’s decision has radically reduced the Centre’s ability to conduct social media research at a time when, Popov argues, it’s crucial. “One of Facebook’s responses to this is we’ll set up an academic committee that we’ll fund and staff with senior academics we consider worthy,” Popov says. “That, for me, is a total farce. It’s the people causing the problem pretending they’re the ones fixing it.”

Of course, Facebook’s leaders might say the same thing about the researchers at the Psychometrics Centre. In May, The New Scientistreported that login credentials to millions of anonymized records collected by Stillwell and Kosinski had been uploaded to Github by an academic at another university.1 That’s despite the strict terms Stillwell and Kosinski had in place. The data was exposed for four years. Stillwell declined to comment for this story, but in a statement on the app’s website, he wrote, “In nine years of academic collaborations, this is the only such instance where something like this has occurred.” The breach shows there’s no guarantee that even well-meaning developers can keep Facebook data secure once it’s been shared.

If Rust accepts any blame, it’s that he didn’t foresee earlier that the research his department was conducting into the misuse of Facebook data might, in fact, inspire people to misuse Facebook data. Then again, even if he had, he’s not entirely sure that would have stopped him. “I suppose at Cambridge if you know the research you’re doing is groundbreaking, it can always be used for good or bad,” he says.

Rust says he is cooperating with the Information Commissioner’s Office’s investigation. The Information Commissioner, Elizabeth Denham, wouldn’t comment for this story beyond saying she is “considering the allegations” leveled against the Centre by Facebook. Rust, however, says he’s submitted emails and other documentation to Denham’s office and has tried to impress upon them the urgent need for regulatory oversight in the field of artificial intelligence.

“AI is actually a bit like a psychopath,” he says. It’s adept at manipulating emotions, but underdeveloped morally. “In a way, machines are a bit like that. They’re going through a stage of moral development, and we need to look at how moral development happens in AI.”

Of course, when Rust says “we,” he’s not talking about himself. He plans to retire next year, leaving the work of solving this problem to a department he hopes can survive the current turmoil. At age 74, he’s already seven years past retirement age, but still, leaving with things as they are isn’t easy. From behind his horn-rimmed glasses, his eyes look melancholy, and maybe even a little glassy, as he reflects on the legacy he’s leaving behind.

“You come into academia trying to solve the world’s problems and work out how the brain works,” he says, hands clasped over crossed legs. “Ten years into it you say, ‘Well I’ll just get my next grant for my next paper, because I want to be a lecturer or senior lecturer.’ It’s only when you come out the other end that you say, ‘Where’s my life gone?’”

He came into this field to start a conversation about why using data to sort and organize people could end up tearing them apart. As frustrating as it’s been to be cast as a villain by some of the most powerful people in the world, he’s thankful this long-awaited discussion around data privacy has finally begun.

“We’re at a point where it could go in so many different directions. It could be a big brother, Brave New World combination where a group of individuals can completely control and predict the behavior of every single individual. Or we have to develop some regulatory system that allows these newly created beings to evolve along with us,” he says. “If anything we’ve done has influenced that, it will have made it worthwhile.”

1Update: 10:23 AM ET 06/19/2018 This story has been updated to clarify that a subset of Stillwell and Kosinski’s data was exposed, not the entire database.

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Space Really Does Need Traffic Cops

In the early Space Age, the people who sent up satellites could operate under what’s known as “big sky” theory. Space is so vast, so spacious, that we could never possibly use it all up. History, however, has repeatedly shown that whenever we think something is too abundant for humans to deplete, we’re wrong. And so it is in space, where more and more satellites and space junk threaten to crash into each other and crowd out the future. In 2016, the Air Force’s 18th Space Control Squadron had to tell satellite operators to watch out for each other 3,995,874 times.

The burden of sending all those safety messages has rested squarely on the Defense Department’s shoulders. But on Monday, President Donald Trump signed Space Policy Directive-3, which shifts some of that space traffic responsibility to a new owner: the Department of Commerce.

Commerce? Indeed. “I am instructing my administration to embrace the budding commercial space industry,” Trump said in a meeting with the National Space Council, where he signed the directive. It’s long and covers a range of topics, but its most notable decrees deal with the responsibility for space safety.

Part of that involves leaving some commercial space concerns to the Department of Commerce. See, technically, the military is supposed to be taking care of military problems. But as the number of satellites grows, so does the amount of time the DOD has to spend telling DirecTV to duck. “The growing demands and complexity of the safety of spaceflight missions are increasingly competing for resources with the national security mission of the US military,” wrote Brian Weeden of the Secure World Foundation, a space sustainability think tank, in SpaceNews. While the DOD will continue to maintain the authoritative catalog of objects in space, the responsibility for safety, warnings, and public dissemination of data will fall mainly to the Department of Commerce—which now has to deal with decades’ worth of orbital objects, on top of all the new ones approaching the launch pad.

Right now, US policies dictate that once satellites’ missions are over, they should deorbit no more than 25 years later. No good, says the new policy. NASA, says the directive, “shall lead efforts to update the US Orbital Debris Mitigation Standard Practices and establish new guidelines for satellite design and operation.” And prelaunch certification for satellite-launching companies could involve new strictures.

Sending up your own giant constellation of thousands of satellites? Great job, now make sure they don’t crash into each other. Oh, you want us to track them for you? Develop some beacons to help us out. And for the love of God, encrypt your command and control communications until your satellite’s life is over, at which point it had better spiral to a fiery death. The details of all that are still to come, and while the directive—by its nature and by its content—calls for standards and protocols and regulation, Trump had a request about rules: “Don’t let it get too out of control, please.”

But the ever-increasing number of private space companies means now’s a good time for the Air Force to back out of the public space-traffic management game. Because while there are already many objects in orbit—from operational satellites to screws to spent rocket stages—there are about to be a whole lot more. Satellite companies like SpaceX, OneWeb, and Planet either already have huge fleets or plan to. “If all of these plans materialize,” scientists from federally funded research and development center the Aerospace Corporation warned in a policy paper, “the population of operational satellites in [low Earth orbit] would jump by over a factor of ten—from ~1,000 today to over 16,000 within the next 10 to 20 years.” And the number of watch out messages would also grow, the paper continues, by a factor of 10 in some space regions.

Right now, most of what’s up there isn’t even functional—it’s more than 90 percent space junk. For that reason, the directive signed by Trump recommends “active removal,” in which debris is taken out rather than left to decay downward at its own pace. This is not a new idea, and Obama’s 2010 National Space Policy exhorted the US to dig into active removal, but little forward movement has happened there. Perhaps because it’s a fraught prospect. Any active remover—be it a harpoon, or a net, or a robotic arm—could peacefully deorbit a defunct American satellite, or it could mess with a foreign sat. That is, perhaps, why Trump’s policy says the US should develop standard protocols for “rendezvous and proximity operations.”

Under the new directive, the Defense Department will continue to track and catalog space debris and functional satellites. It already keeps watch over more than 20,000 objects using the Space Surveillance Network, a system of optical and radar equipment spread around the globe. A new “Space Fence” will soon come online that can see smaller space bits.

The DOD will now provide the “releasable” part of its (vast) catalog to the Department of Commerce. Which, in turn, will be expected to incorporate other orbital and safety data—from other agencies, from the private sector, from other countries—and take the lead in creating an open orbital-data repository. With its multitude of information, the Commerce Department will now be responsible for telling satellite operators when they’re in trouble and what to do about it.

Obviously, the directive gives some guidance about how to deal with the traffic jams already happening. Which is good. But better is that it also aims to function like that highway patrol cop parked on the side of the interstate—preemptively slowing down troublemakers barreling down the turnpike.


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How Oprah’s Network Finally Found Its Voice

On New Year’s Day 2011, OWN went live in 80 million households across the country, replacing the channel Discovery Health. Though it was an upstart network, it had legacy cred—Oprah’s star power and an investment of $500 million from Discovery Communications. “We were attempting to do something that had never been done before,” says Erik Logan, who became the president of OWN six months after its launch.

The goal was to “take the idea of a person and embody her belief structure and vision” in every aspect of the network, he says. “Everything that makes the brand of Oprah, we wanted to translate that into a cable channel across over 8,000 hours of content.” As Logan and his colleagues found out, that proved to be a more complicated endeavor—“very, very daunting” he repeats over the phone—than anticipated.

A proud Oklahoman, the 47-year-old Logan began working for Winfrey 10 years ago when she hired him to be the EVP of her production company, Harpo Studios, and later joined OWN where he soon became president. In our multiple conversations, Logan makes no qualms about the network’s early struggles; he often refers to them in PR speak as “big learnings.”

The network’s initial slate of programming wrestled with a crisis of identity: a below-average Rosie O’Donnell talk show, a docu-series from Lisa Ling, and a batch of dull reality TV duds featuring Tatum O’Neil, Shania Twain, and the Judd family. There was also Oprah’s Lifeclass—where the once Queen of Daytime offered guidance on, as she has often phrased it, how to “live your best life.” (One complication upon launching OWN was that it couldn’t actually get Oprah on the network until her noncompete had expired with broadcasters; Lifeclass premiered 10 months after the initial launch.)

Still, despite the lineup of stars, the shows didn’t quite connect with the network’s meager audience. “I was so misled in my thinking. I thought I was going to create a network that was Super Soul Sunday all day long,” Winfrey said in an interview last year. “I thought I was going to bring this spiritual consciousness–awakening channel!” Her impulses, however misplaced, were clear. “I was going to be the Anthony Bourdain of spirituality.” But ratings were anemic, and relevancy—Could OWN be a conversation starter? Could the channel pump out a different kind of Prestige TV?—eluded the grasp of executives.

When I ask Logan why he thinks relying so greatly on reality TV and self-empowerment programming failed, he plays it straight. “I don’t know,” he says. “I think we were more focused on trying to find what could work than trying to diagnose what didn’t. There is a saying that Oprah has—‘What happens to you happens for you.’” Those early struggles, he says, helped the network better understand its intention (a favorite buzzword of Winfrey’s) and who exactly it was speaking to: black women.

During March of its sophomore year, OWN aired one of its most watched episodes to date—an Oprah’s Next Chapter interview with Bobbi Kristina. It was the first full-length interview she’d given since her mother, R&B singer Whitney Houston, was found dead in a bathtub at the Beverly Hilton Hotel the month prior. It pulled in just north of 3.5 million viewers. “What it said to me was, if we get the content right they will find you,” Logan says. From there, the network leaned in and found comparable success with Iyanla Vanzant’s no-holds-barred brand of TV therapy on Fix My Life. It remains the most watched unscripted series on OWN, and Vanzant one of its most fiery and intriguing figures.

For Logan, that codified the path—OWN had found an unexpected route. “That wasn’t the intention of the network going into this, to talk to the African American viewer,” he admits. After Fix My Life aired in 2012—the two-episode premiere about Basketball Wives star Evelyn Lozada pulled in an average of 1.5 million viewers—Winfrey called Logan immediately. “She says to me, ‘Listen, that’s all I got. If this doesn’t work, I don’t know what works. If this is it, I know nothing about television.’ It was one of those damn-the-torpedoes kind of moments. Obviously it was a huge success, but there are those moments you have with her.”

It was the network’s next jump that would turn out to be its most formative. In a partnership with Tyler Perry, OWN applied its most paramount lesson from Fix My Life: It would now target black women through a scripted series format. Perry quickly midwifed—as creator, writer, and director—the soapy The Haves and Have Nots and trite platitudinal working-class comedies like Love Thy Neighbor.

The network was getting traction. OWN ended the year “cash-flow positive,” according to Discovery CEO David Zaslav. Eventually, Perry had four scripted shows under his aegis, proving he could guarantee a fiercely loyal audience. (Last year in a surprise move, Perry decided to leave the network and inked a film and TV deal with Viacom for an undisclosed amount; new episodes of his shows will continue to air on OWN through 2020.)

Winfrey now says OWN is in its “best place ever”—a spot that has allowed her to access a long-desired dream: “elevated premium scripted storytelling.” (Winfrey declined to be interviewed for the article.) This is where Queen Sugar, the Ava DuVernay-directed austral drama about the Bordelon family and Greenleaf, the megachurch series set in Memphis (on which Winfrey has a small role) come into play. They became not just the standout shows on the network but two of the best dramas on TV—offering nuanced and knotty sketches of black Southern life. Both are among the top five original scripted series on ad-supported cable for women 25-54.

In OWN’s Greenleaf, a megachurch drama set in Memphis, Lynn Whitfield plays Lady Mae and Keith David is Bishop Greenleaf.

Tina Rowden/OWN

DuVernay, who was pursued by other networks before choosing OWN, tells me she was “honored to be asked to carve out a new kind of story for a network that wanted to turn a corner.” When she began to envision the show, after working with Winfrey on the 2014 film Selma, she says her hope for it was simple: “To connect with an audience. To find an audience. And to have them stay. To engage. To care about the characters in the way that I have cared about television families in the past.” DuVernay is all gratitude when it comes to discussing the show’s enduring influence among fans. “So to have that now is quite dreamy.”

The arrival and sustained praise for Queen Sugar (based on the novel of the same name by Natalie Baszile) and Greenleaf signaled an official sea change for the network: In addition to renewing its marquee scripted series, Winfrey signed high-profile first-look deals with DuVernay and Packer, announced a new show from Brock Akil (what became Love Is___), and greenlit a coming-of-age drama set in South Florida from McCraney, on which Michael B. Jordan will serve as an executive producer.

In giving DuVernay the first-look deal, Winfrey also has found a successor. Her superpower on daytime TV—the thing that made her so huge—was being at once unapologetically black and relatable for all, which DuVernay pulls off with equal aplomb.

While working on Moonlight, McCraney met with several networks—including Netflix, who wanted the project but was outbid by OWN. According to him, he wanted his first foray into TV to be on a network that genuinely fostered his vision. In meeting with OWN brass, Winfrey wasn’t expected to be in attendance, but, to his surprise, there she was. “She came in and sat right in front of me, and from the start was wanting to open the story up and understand what it was about,” he tells me when I reach him by phone in Los Angeles. “Almost immediately she began trying to find people and ways to make it work and happen. She was just instantly looking at, ‘What’s the frame here?’ Like, ‘If this is a portrait, what kind of frame to do we use? How do we put the right support around it? What’s the best gallery for it? Is there a gallery?’ Whenever that happens—and it’s rare that it does—it’s a clear sign that someone has already invested their heart in it. They’ve already invested in it as not just something else to add to a list of things that they have, but it’s something that they want to get behind and present to our people, to people who they feel need this, not necessarily just want it.”

A Merger That Would Have Made Crypto Investing Easier Fails

In January, BitGo, a Silicon Valley bitcoin wallet startup, announced plans to acquire Kingdom Trust, a Kentucky company that has quietly become a leading player in a thriving market serving cryptocurrency funds.

The move would have positioned BitGo to compete with a small but growing pool of players offering custodial service—in essence, storage of crypto assets—to high-net-worth individuals, institutions, and funds. It was designed to merge BitGo’s tech products, which offer a secure way for individuals to store bitcoin and crypto assets, with Kingdom’s custody services, which serve institutions. Having a trust charter, as Kingdom Trust does, would have given the combined entity a leg up on competition from Coinbase, Gemini (an exchange run by the Winklevoss twins), Ledger, ItBit, and Nomura, the Japanese bank which in May announced plans to offer crypto custody.

But the charter wasn’t enough to make the merger of a risk-averse financial trust in Kentucky with a venture-backed startup in Silicon Valley work. Kingdom gained regulatory approval for the change of control in April, but a month later, the companies dissolved their merger plans.

According to Kingdom CEO Matt Jennings, the deal fell through in final negotiations. “As with all mergers, there were many details that had to be negotiated and worked through. We simply could not work through the final details,” Jennings said. Jennings said disagreements were not specific to crypto, but “the typical final negotiations between two companies in these sorts of deals.”

BitGo CEO Mike Belshe did not elaborate on the reasons for the merger ending beyond a blog post announcing that the company has applied for a trust charter to build its own custodial solution.

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The WIRED Guide to Bitcoin

As a result of the split, BitGo and Kingdom find themselves in competition with each other, as BitGo builds its custody offering. “We have worked closely with customers to understand their custodial needs and have realized that to offer the best custodial solution, we needed to build our own qualified custodial offering,” BitGo product marketing executive Robin Verderosa wrote.

Kingdom continues to offer its custodial services from Murray, Kentucky. Jennings says the split changes nothing about Kingdom’s plans to expand and upgrade its products. “We were the leader in digital asset custody long before any merger was contemplated and plan to keep pressing forward as the leader in the market,” he says.

Meanwhile, Coinbase, the largest and best-known digital currency exchange and wallet in the US, has launched its much-anticipated custody option, and Nomura’s announcement shows that some traditional banks also want a piece of the crypto action.

Institutional custody is a small but important part of the movement to legitimize crypto investing. Crypto hedge funds have proliferated over the last 18 months, with an estimated 100 new ones launching in 2017. A late-2017 surge in the price of bitcoin and other crypto assets meant lots of small funds found themselves suddenly managing large portfolios of crypto assets. Hedge funds with more than $150 million in assets are required to store their assets with a qualified custodian. In a February interview, Belshe estimated that two dozen hedge funds crossed that threshold last year, but were not complying with the rule. This year’s slump in crypto prices may have solved the problem for many.


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Apple Deals: Sale on Watch, iPad, Mac, and More Happening Now

We’ve sifted through the internet for deals on tech we like, and hit pay dirt this week. Best Buy is giving out some discounts on Apple gadget, and a number of other devices we recommend are on sale at a few different retailers. You can find them below, along with links to our relevant reviews and guides.

Apple Device Sale

Best Buy is still holding a sale on Apple Devices, and we’re not quite sure when it will end. Below, we’ve surfaced all the deals worth considering. The Apple Watch Series 3 and iPads are particularly nice, if you’re in the market.

Other Deals We Spotted

Below are a few other great deals going on this week. This batch is from Amazon, Best Buy, and eBay.

Updated: Nuraphones sale has not gone through or is not active, so we’ve removed them from the list.

When you buy something using the retail links in our stories, we may earn a small affiliate commission. Read more about how this works.

What are the world's 5 biggest video-game companies? A Foolish Take

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Games makers at E3 are hoping to follow the success of online multiplayer video game ‘Fortnite’ by incorporating the popular ‘Battle Royale’ genre into their new titles. (June 13) AP

Tencent and Apple are challenging traditional game publishers.

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The world’s top 25 gaming companies generated $94.1 billion in combined software revenue last year, according to Newzoo, marking a 29 percent jump from 2016. Mobile gaming revenue accounted for 46 percent of the total, followed by console games at 33 percent and PC games at 21 percent.

Sony, Microsoft, and Activision Blizzard are well-established game publishers. However, market leader Tencent(NASDAQOTH: TCEHY) isn’t a household name in the United States.

The Chinese tech giant’s video game portfolio includes top e-sports title “League of Legends,” as well as mobile hits such as “Arena of Valor,” “Clash of Clans” and “PUBG Mobile.” Tencent has a 40 percent stake in “Fortnite” publisher Epic Games and smaller stakes in Activision Blizzard and Ubisoft.

Meanwhile, many people forget that Apple(NASDAQ: AAPL), which takes a 30 percent cut of all sales of iOS games in its App Store, also is a leading game publisher. Though $8 billion equals just 3.5 percent of its 2017 revenue, that growth clearly complements the expansion of its services ecosystem, which includes Apple Pay, Apple Music, iTunes, and other services. The Mac maker is aiming to double its fiscal 2016 services revenue by 2020.

More:Rising cost of college creating a financial hole for parents, students: Foolish Take

More:Tesla tops list with 3 of America’s 5 best-selling electric vehicles: A Foolish Take

More:Starbucks tops Apple in mobile payments: A Foolish Take

Teresa Kersten is an employee of LinkedIn and is a member of The Motley Fool’s board of directors. LinkedIn is owned by Microsoft. Leo Sun owns shares of Apple and Tencent Holdings. The Motley Fool owns shares of and recommends ATVI, Apple, and Tencent Holdings. The Motley Fool has the following options: long January 2020 $150 calls on Apple and short January 2020 $155 calls on Apple. The Motley Fool has a disclosure policy.

The Motley Fool is a USA TODAY content partner offering financial news, analysis and commentary designed to help people take control of their financial lives. Its content is produced independently of USA TODAY.

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Inside the Crypto World’s Biggest Scandal

In late February, Gevers still reigned as foundation president. Kathleen had recently arrived in San Francisco from Paris via New York, and I drove with her to Los Angeles, where she was scheduled to appear at a blockchain conference at UCLA. She had recently received one more in a succession of Russian scam emails telling her that Johann Gevers had initiated a plot to hire assassins to murder her with poison, and that it could only be stopped if she transferred 10 bitcoin to the address included. She delivered an executive summary of the Tezos situation in a tone of hyperrational self-parody: “We overindexed on operational security risk, and underindexed on key-man risk.”

By then, however, most of her resentment was reserved for the Crypto Valley. A prominent Zurich businessman called as we headed south, with a patronizing offer to broker a deal that would put the foundation in wholly safe Swiss hands. Kathleen’s measured tone went out the window. “All these Swiss people calling me and telling me to shut the fuck up and do things the discreet way. If I got raped at a party, would you tell me it was my fault for wearing a skirt? Swiss business culture is a load of shit.”

Gevers, the Breitmans’ erstwhile key man, seemed to be doing fine. Kathleen described how she and Gevers had both recently been in St. Moritz to speak at a blockchain conference; Kathleen was allotted a “fireside chat,” while Gevers had been invited to give his own talk—on ICO best practices. A friend of Kathleen’s who had run security for Metallica paid for a German bodyguard to accompany her. At a white-tablecloth dinner, a prominent table companion brought up rumors that Kathleen had placed a bounty on Gevers’ head. She had taken the comment to heart, and as she related the scene she looked at me with pleading humor. “Do I look like a violent person?”

Gevers had delivered his speech with a calm, commanding sense of impending victory. (On his PowerPoint slides, he quoted Warren Buffett, Elon Musk, and himself.) Immediately afterward he released a series of triumphalist tweets about the future of Tezos. “After months of incapacitating interference, obstruction, and attacks, the Tezos Foundation has regained the ability to act,” he announced. “For those seeking to understand what happened at Tezos—both its successes and its failures: ‘In a high-trust environment, the impossible becomes possible. In a low-trust environment, even the possible becomes impossible.’—Johann Gevers.” Further tweets, later deleted, seemed to link, if implicitly, the future of Tezos to Monetas, for which Gustinis had found a buyer.

The Breitmans, Kathleen said, took Gevers’ social media proclamations to indicate he was prepared to continue fighting a war of attrition. Though Tom Gustinis says he was personally paying Gevers’ rent at this point, the foundation had expensive lawyers on retainer; the Breitmans, meanwhile, were paying $250,000 a month in legal fees. As Kathleen put it, “It’s not a corporate-governance matter anymore, it’s a hostage negotiation.” When I asked how it had possibly come to this—Gevers, it seemed, could have just cut the checks, celebrated the network launch, and emerged a wealthy man—Kathleen could only throw up her hands. “He’s the world’s stupidest scorpion, and Arthur is the world’s most gullible frog.”

Kathleen now felt as though they had one option: brinkmanship. This was no longer about the utopia to come but ascendancy in the here and now. “I feel like I’m in a hole, so fuck it, the game’s afoot. I’m going to blow this fucking canton up. I’m going to play the hand I was dealt, and I’ve got a much better deck. I keep telling Arthur that the people on the other side are just going to play their game for a billion dollars. It’s not about the morality of crypto. It’s about shipping and winning the game. I’ve got 60,000 lines of code that will ship with or without those guys in Zug.”

Thinking of Gevers and the others in Zug, Kathleen paused to stare outat the hills. “They fucked with the wrong nerds, is my take.”

She paused to stare out at the hills near Santa Barbara, blackened and denuded by fire. “They fucked with the wrong nerds, is my take.”

Their will had been renewed by the fact that they no longer felt so alone. Once it had become clear that the original board’s efforts were at best nugatory, the Tezos community had formed its own parallel “T2” directorate. In partnership with this second foundation, she and Arthur would continue to fund the platform’s development out of their own pockets; it had cost them $1.5 million so far, but they’d made a lot of money on their early personal investments in Bitcoin. She couldn’t comment on anything that pertained to their legal entanglements, but an actual launch could conceivably change the juridical landscape: After all, it was the original billion-dollar foundation that had the contractual responsibility to roll out the platform and distribute the tokens. More than anything, though, they wanted to see Tezos live.

Exhausted, Kathleen looked out to the placid expanse of sea and wilted a little. “It’s the 13th inning, and we’re getting a little tired. Neither of us needs to be doing this. I’m doing it as an act of love for my husband, and he’s doing it because he thinks he can do a good thing for the world. We’re going to birth Tezos as an act of love and collaboration.”

The next day, in front of a crowd at UCLA, she unveiled this strategy for the first time. “We’re going rogue, and in the next few weeks we’ll release the token. It’s the software equivalent of carrying an ectopic pregnancy to term.”

A few days after the UCLA panel, Kathleen sent me a strangely low-key message over Signal to report that Gevers had resigned from the Tezos Foundation. The leader of the T2 faction—a preternaturally tranquil and even-keeled Mormon named Ryan Jesperson—had sat in a room with Gevers and the lawyers for 10 hours of what he insisted was polite, amicable conversation. In the end Gevers had consented to his departure on the condition that the entire board be replaced. Gevers stepped down; an unsigned version of the final resolution of the first Tezos Foundation stipulated more than $400,000 in severance. Pons was ready to be rid of the whole travail, and he communicated, via Reddit, that he would be returning his own settlement to the foundation. He publicly invited Gevers to do the same, but according to Pons, no such donation had materialized. Jesperson moved, with his wife and three small children, from Utah to Zug to take over the new foundation. Twitter users taunted the foundation account: “When Lambo? When Lambo?”

The end of the standoff did not mean that everything for Tezos was looking bright. The lawsuits had been consolidated and a lead plaintiff selected. But the network had yet to appear, and, unfortunately, the long delay meant a lot of competition. When the original Tezos papers were released, in 2014, nobody was concerned with the need for governance. Now it was a stock talking point.

The other piece of bad news was that in late February the head of the SEC, Jay Clayton, declared that, as far as he was concerned, all ICOs constituted the sale of unregistered securities. He did not exclude Ethereum. The longstanding fantasy that a centralized entity could presell a token on the premise of delayed decentralization might have to be set aside once and for all. In the meantime, the total ICO market in the first quarter of 2018 had, by one measure, surpassed $6 billion. An MIT professor estimated that up to a quarter of that total was collected by scam artists.

Arthur was in Paris for the spring, passing long hours with a team of international software developers drawn from academia; they had the mellow, abstracted air of a postdoc colloquium. The platform, with any luck, would at last come to realization over the summer. Kathleen joined Arthur there between speaking engagements and business-development meetings in Singapore, Hong Kong, San Francisco, London, Berlin. The constant dread of the past year had only deepened the bluff tenderness of their interactions. Kathleen mocked Arthur for ordering a gin drink thick with melted marshmallows; Arthur made fun of Kathleen for her terrible French. Their small apartment had the underfurnished ambience of an Airbnb. The only remaining evidence of the conflict was a piece of ruled white paper with a ballpoint rendering of something that looked vaguely like Babar; it floated over Arthur’s head in the video update he posted on Reddit, the elephant in the room.

In late March, Kathleen had yet another speaking engagement, this one in Zurich. Arthur wasn’t crazy about the idea of Kathleen alone and unprotected there; other people might associate Switzerland with chocolate, watches, and neutrality, but the mountainous confederation hadn’t been particularly kind to the Breitmans. I wanted to go to Switzerland anyway, to try to see Gevers and the lawyers at MME in Zug, so I went along. Gevers responded to my request to tell me that he was in “an intense work phase” but that I ought to try him in a month, then stopped replying, and I heard nothing from MME.

On the train to Zurich, Kathleen tried to concentrate on other things. But she couldn’t help ruminating once more over how, exactly, a system she and Arthur had designed to underwrite and extend interpersonal trust at scale had foundered on their inability to rely upon one single individual. In certain moods, their interpretation of the events of the previous year had the ring of conspiratorial fancy—not because their thinking was muddled but because it was, if anything, too crystalline. Conspiracies made sense. One of the things that drew the blockchain community together was a commitment to the idea that the whole of human behavior could be interpreted as the pursuit of rational self-interest, and there was something profoundly disturbing in the fact that their model remained unable to account for Gevers’ motivations.

The conference was two stops outside Zurich’s city center, at a hulking black venue called Samsung Hall. It looked like what you’d get if you gave an alien civilization’s stodgiest corporation a written definition of a nightclub. Kathleen ducked and dodged her way through the lanyarded slicks who wanted to network or gossip.

Then she froze. “Well,” she said, with a weak laugh. “There’s Tom Gustinis now, Johann’s flying monkey.”

Gustinis flashed Kathleen a wide smile and approached her with an unhurried, deliberate gait. He was very tall and broad-shouldered, with graying blond hair gone shaggy over his ears, and he vibrated with pocket-jangling energy. He greeted her with affected warmth. Curtly polite, she returned the greeting, introduced us, and immediately excused herself. Gustinis looked a little hurt.

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We stood at a high, rickety cocktail table and made small talk about our shared origins in New Jersey. When I asked him about Tezos, he assumed the frowning detachment of an elder statesman. In the ICO world, he said, there was now “Before Tezos and After Tezos, after everything that happened with the Stiff-dong.” It took me a moment to realize he must have meant Stiftung, the German word for “foundation.” But he didn’t think that ought to be the case, and his own postmortem was lax and mild. “The project was delayed—probably unnecessarily. The project could have done without the noise.” He’d tried to mellow the fuss. “After Kathleen and Arthur hung up on me many, many times, I still say the same thing: It started as a misunderstanding, and then egos got involved. She gives me a cold welcome here, but I’ve never done anything against the Breitmans.” He’d only gotten involved because the world of blockchain felt electrifying in a way banking no longer did.

His deflationary story, if slightly evasive, felt plausible. “Look, I’m a conservative guy who comes from accounting and worked my way up at UBS. I was astonished at how this anarcho-­capitalist community was going to cannibalize themselves.” He stopped to sum it all up. “It was a fundamental misunderstanding that started it—and I disagree with Johann. And for that I have a lot of empathy for the Breitmans. But maybe that’s too boring a story for you.”

Two people from one blockchain startup or another came over to network aggressively and I excused myself. Through the business scrum I could see Kathleen far across the room, her back to the wall, editing her talk. Maybe it all had been a boring misunderstanding. After all, there had been few apparent consequences for Gevers; the previous week he had been quoted as a coin-issuance expert in a Financial Times story. There would, however, be at least some formal repercussions for Arthur for promoting Tezos while employed at Morgan Stanley: In April, the Wall Street regulator Finra suspended him from trade with its members for two years.

A few minutes later, Gustinis materialized once more. Kathleen conceded a second hello without looking up. He chatted idly to nobody in particular—“Who will be the Elon Musk of the blockchain?”—while Kathleen ignored him until she left to watch a panel.

I made to follow Kathleen, but Gustinis, all of a sudden upset, turned to confront me. “So,” he said, “I see what this is, from one Jersey boy to another.” As he spoke, he slowly leaned closer, until his heavy frame was looming over me. (Gustinis disputes this account, claiming he is simply tall.) “You’re here hanging around with her, huh? I get what’s going on.”

I said I had press accreditation for the conference, but Gustinis only smirked. “Well, I’m going to tell people what this looked like to me.” He turned on his heels to saunter away. As I began to stutter in reply, he wheeled back around and placed his palms flat on the high rickety table. “Are you going to make me be more explicit with you, Jersey boy?”

And then he was gone. Gustinis kindly apologized later. There was something, we both tacitly acknowledged, about this troubled crypto utopia—the conditions of perpetual alarm and mistrust, as well as fear, uncertainty, and doubt—that, even now, drove otherwise sensible people to paranoid extremes.

I said I of course forgave him, but at the time I’d walked into the dark hall on the verge of panic. Onstage the conference organizer was interviewing a panel of four Swiss men in suits. Their faces were gigantic and fleshy on the screen mounted behind them. I texted Kathleen to say I thought Gustinis had just tried to scare me. When I found her at her seat she just nodded, and even seemed to smile.

A lawyer onstage in a fitted waistcoat was talking about the necessary role of the proper regulator. “We take the fear away,” he said. It is our job to tell people, he continued, “Don’t be afraid.”


Gideon Lewis-Krausis a contributing editor at WIRED.

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The Olympic Destroyer Hackers May Have Returned For More

This past winter, malware ripped through the Pyeongchang Olympics, disrupting Wi-Fi, shutting down the Olympics website, and causing generalized digital havoc. The so-called Olympic Destroyer attack gained infamy, too, for using a number of false flags to muddy attribution. Now, researchers at Kaspersky Lab say the group behind those February attacks has returned, with a new target: organizations that respond to and protect against biological and chemical threats.

While the activity Kaspersky has seen has not turned destructive, researchers there say that hackers have taken steps that echo the early groundwork laid by the Olympic Destroyer group. Using a sophisticated spearphishing technique, the group has attempted to gain access to computers in France, Germany, Switzerland, Russia, and Ukraine. The concern: That these early intrusions will escalate in the same destructive way Olympic Destroyer did.

“We’re pretty confident this is the same group,” says Kaspersky security researcher Kurt Baumgartner. “We’re seeing the same sort of tactics. We’re seeing targeting that may line up with the previous group. We’re seeing multiple places where there may be crossover.”

Those tactics, so far, involve spearphishing emails that present themselves as coming from an acquaintance, with a decoy document attached. The execution, Baumgartner says, is remarkably similar to how Olympic Destroyer began: Emails target a group of people affiliated with a specific event; if they open the document they trigger a malicious macro, which allows multiple scripts that enable access to the target computer to run in the background.

While the hacker group excels at avoiding detection, its activity has enough hallmarks that Kaspersky has high confidence that it’s a repeat performance. “When you look at the obfuscation that they’re using in the spearphishing macros, this is a very specific set of macros,” says Baumgartner. “No one else is using this stuff.”

In the case of Olympic Destroyer, that early access was eventually used in Pyeongchang to deploy malware designed to destroy data on victim machines. Kaspersky says it chose to go public with its findings because if these latest attacks follow the same timeline they may be about to escalate in a similar fashion.

‘No one else is using this stuff.’

Kurt Baumgartner, Kaspersky Lab

The hackers appear to be primarily targeting people affiliated with an upcoming biochemical threat conference, called Spiez Convergence. That event is organized by Spiez Laboratory—a testing outfit that was tangentially involved in the investigation into the poisoning of former Russian double agent Sergei Skripal, and his daughter Yulia, in Salisbury, England in March. The UK and the US both attributed the attempted murders to Russia, and expelled dozens of Russian diplomats each.

One of the decoy documents Kaspersky observed looks like a press release for Spiez Convergence. Another appears to be a news report about the nerve agent used in the Salisbury attack. The hackers also appear to have Russian language proficiency.Kaspersky, itself a Russian company embroiled in controversy in the US over its purported ties to the Russian government, did not suggest attribution for the Olympic Destroyer group. But it does seem worth noting that both the Pyeongchang Olympics—from which Russia was banned—and European biochemical protection agencies—which did not absolve Russia of what appears to be a high-profile international assassination attempt—arguably share a common bond of Russian provocation. Not to mention that US intelligence officials already reportedly decided months ago that Russia was behind the Olympics hack after all.

Still, the group behind Olympic Destroyer very effectively covers its tracks. It has also separately targeted Russian financial institutions in this latest round of attacks, which Kaspersky chalks up to the same malware being used by groups with different interests—or possibly as yet another false flag by a hacker team that revels in the practice.

Whoever is ultimately behind the attacks, Kaspersky advises hypervigilance on the part of biological and chemical threat research entities for the time being. While the hackers haven’t yet successful moved past its reconnaissance phase, the impact could be severe if and when it does.

“We want to get the warning out that this group is active again, because they are destructive,” says Baumgartner. “It looks like they’re failing, but give them another few weeks. We’ll know for certain.”


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Ellen Pao on the Perverse Incentives Helping Incels Thrive at Tech Companies

The world has recently become more terrifyingly aware of incels, which, if you don’t already know, stands for “involuntary celibate.” It’s an underground coalition of mainly men who complain about how society actively and unfairly deprives them of sex, often, they say, because they are too ugly or too fat.

It is, of course, nonsense. Incels are usually conspiracy theorists, not victims, who believe the world is purposely denying them their fundamental right to sex on demand—and who share many values and tactics with white supremacist, men’s rights, and alt-right groups. Self-declared incels encourage violent acts, including the “incel rebellion” in Toronto that killed 10 people and injured 20 more.

Ellen Pao (@ekp) is an Ideas contributor at WIRED. She is founding CEO of Project Include and author of Reset: My Fight for Inclusion and Lasting Change. Previously Pao was CEO of Reddit, leading the first major platform ban of unauthorized nude photos and other harassment. She has also worked as a venture capitalist, chief diversity and inclusion officer, business development executive, and corporate attorney. She holds a BS in electrical engineering and public policy certificate from Princeton, and a JD and MBA from Harvard.

What hasn’t been discussed much is their presence in our everyday lives, including our workplaces. Like many groups of young men whose misogynistic beliefs gestate online, incels often work in the tech industry and in engineering—and because of tech’s long-standing, well-quantified lack of women and other underrepresented groups, it’s a natural fit.

Technology plays a central role for these hate groups, as a career and as a weapon. On incel forums, they pride themselves on their tech contributions; they joke that the world would collapse without them to maintain network infrastructures, and that their companies would fail without them. They move seamlessly among online hate group forums where racism and misogyny feed on one another.

Many large tech companies have unwittingly encouraged these groups in the name of unconstrained debate and “free speech.” Misguided advocates quote the late U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis—“Sunlight is the best disinfectant”—to argue that open platforms will expose and show the wrongness of hate and terrorism. Instead, though, what we’ve learned from platforms ranging from Reddit and Twitter to GoDaddy and Cloudflare is that public exposure consistently normalizes, encourages, and amplifies these beliefs.

Like many groups of young men whose misogynistic beliefs gestateonline, incels often work in the tech industry.

I hear every day from tech employees and executives, and many tell me in painstaking detail about how hate groups are using tech platforms and workplace communities to spread their ideas, onboard new recruits, and train them on how to execute these ideas in their companies. In an industry with predominately white men as employees and leaders, and a hands-off approach to monitoring speech and behavior, hate groups have a huge advantage. They weaponize communications and interactions, setting traps to use as fodder for complaints, trolling, and, in some cases, litigation.

All this means it’s highly probable that a tech company of significant size employs men who identify with these forms of hate, if not with the actual movements. They organize on company Slack channels, creating private discussions to denigrate their coworkers. They defend themselves with arguments on diversity of thought and free speech. They may even leak information to dox coworkers, intending to incite real-life, offline harassment.

So if you’re the leader of a company, what do you do?

Right now, it seems, not much. I’ve heard some leaders say that they’ll be perceived as making a value judgment about somebody’s politics if they confront these toxic groups. But incel culture isn’t a political belief; it’s an ideology of hate. We don’t accept open misogyny in our workplaces, and make no mistake: That’s what incels promote.

In an industry with predominately white men as employees and leaders,and a hands-off approach to monitoring speech, hategroups have a huge advantage.

Others expressed concerns about thought policing. After all, whatever goes on in somebody’s head is their own business. And that’s true—until they act on it. Consider how these ideas are directed at weaponizing interactions between incels and others targeted by gender. And how the group intends to spread the behavior and push boundaries as far as they can. Sometimes their misogyny can be hard to spot—like a microaggression inflicted on a coworker. Other times it manifests itself very clearly. We’re not talking about ideas here; we’re talking about employee safety. We don’t allow groups of employees to congregate in person to hurt others; why would we allow it online? Why is it that, when hate takes shape online, people automatically allow it as freedom of expression? Shouldn’t we respond to behavior that is intended to harm others, regardless of where and how it happens?

Incels can be vicious, and dealing with them head-on can be intimidating. When I tweeted a simple question—“CEOs of big tech companies: You almost certainly have incels as employees. What are you going to do about it?”—I got almost 3,000 replies, and many were insults and threats from incels. I also received more than 2,000 likes. And I heard from others who worked with incels at tech companies who were afraid to speak publicly, but expressed support—and a need for action.

One woman told me about an incel at her tech company, and she described a horrifying situation: He started stalking coworkers, going so far as to hide his mobile phone in the bathroom to video female employees using the toilet. He later used the captured video to intimidate, threaten, and harass his colleagues.

The modern workplace—especially in tech—isn’t prepared to deal with these kinds of interactions. When inappropriate behavior is reported to managers or HR, bad actors rarely face serious consequences. In this case, I heard that complaints to HR went unheeded, and the situation escalated, making HR and the company look increasingly foolish for ignoring warning signs.

The modern workplace—especially in tech—isn’t prepared to deal withthese kinds of interactions.

The tech environment’s star system is a big part of the problem. We hear time and time again about stars getting second, third, or more chances after complaints about their behavior. Instead of addressing the core problem, CEOs delegate to HR, which usually tries to address short-term symptoms by pushing out the person who speaks up. As a result, they compound the core problem, as fewer people see value in speaking up, bad actors feel even more empowered to harass coworkers, and others follow their example.

What should we do? As leaders or managers, our job is to create a productive environment for employees with, at a minimum, physical and emotional security. Aspirationally we want our culture to allow everyone to contribute their best, most meaningful work. In both cases, that absolutely entails creating a diverse and inclusive culture—and that means rooting out and banning incel beliefs.

Ultimately leaders need to lead, even if it’s uncomfortable.

In 2015, as Reddit’s CEO, I was able to start changing the culture both internally and externally. We had just come out of a painful period in which we enabled the widespread viewing of unauthorized nude photos of celebrities on the site. In the office, we prided ourselves on an open culture that reflected our product, exemplified most memorably for me in a 45-minute-long, company-wide discussion comparing the aesthetics of penises and breasts.

Changing Reddit’s culture was an ongoing, multistep process. I invited outside speakers to talk to our team about diversity and inclusion. CEOs like Y Combinator’s Michael Seibel, Coinbase’s Brian Armstrong, and Stellar’s Joyce Kim described their successes through the lens of diversity and inclusion. We held an all-hands focused on change; Freada Kapor Klein and Mitch Kapor led a session on culture and anti-harassment and anti-discrimination, including dos and don’ts of behavior and interactions. Afterward, several women reported having been harassed by coworkers; we tried to address each situation individually through conversations and warnings, and the problem in aggregate through ongoing monitoring and values reinforcement. And it seemed to work: No one sued us, and, six months later, the same women said they were satisfied with changes in behavior and interactions.

At the same time, I enforced our values, especially around privacy, on the Reddit website. We were the first major site to ban unauthorized nude photos and revenge porn. A few months later, we banned the five most harassing subreddits—and a study showed we were effective in reducing hate speech.

What I learned was pretty simple, but effective internally and externally: 1. Make your company values and codes of conduct (internal and external) clear. Write them down and share them. 2. Build multiple paths for raising concerns and reporting violations, and make them easy to understand and easy to take. 3. Learn about violations as early as possible, especially ones that can escalate. You should focus on solving the actual problem, not trying to hide its symptoms.

Back then, pre-#MeToo and pre-Susan Fowler, I felt like my efforts were not valued by many, especially when I was fired. But I have no regrets. If we don’t lead and address these problems proactively, they won’t go away. Any conversation that values one group of people less than others is inappropriate for the workplace, because it almost certainly conflicts with company values. Conversations encouraging unwanted, misogynistic actions on others should also be banned. Using our company’s workspaces—physical ones, virtual ones, tools, and platforms—to spread this kind of thinking should be a fireable offense. We cannot allow employees to mobilize identity-based intolerance, much less against their own coworkers.

We cannot allow employees to mobilize identity-based intolerance, muchless against their own coworkers.

Tech workers know incels and the like expertly wield our companies’ innovations to attack the vulnerable. Employees also know those toxic beliefs are shared by more coworkers than many of us realize—and they’re willing to push to end them. When a group of Google employees teamed with investors this month to put inclusion on the Google shareholder ballot, they stated that workers were “feeling unsafe and unable to do our work.” Their initiative wasn’t particularly controversial except for its format, which forced management to confront these issues publicly and reactively.

Now, what actions do you plan to take to address the incels in your workforce and to protect your employees and culture—before you don’t have a choice anymore?


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IBM’s Newest AI Can Probably Argue Better Than You

“Fighting technology means fighting human ingenuity,” an IBM software program admonished Israeli debating champion Dan Zafrir in San Francisco Monday. The program, dubbed Project Debater, and Zafrir, were debating the value of telemedicine, but the point could also apply to the future of the technology itself.

Software that processes speech and language has improved enough to do more than tell you the weather forecast. You may not be ready for machines capable of conversation or arguing, but tech companies are working to find uses for them. IBM’s demo of Project Debater comes a month after Google released audio of a bot called Duplex booking restaurants and haircuts over the phone.

IBM’s stunt Monday was a sequel of sorts to the triumph of its Watson computer over Jeopardy! champions in 2011. Project Debater, in the works for six years, took on two Israeli student debating champions, Zafrir and Noa Ovadia. In back-to-back bouts each lasting 20 minutes, the software first argued that governments should subsidize space exploration, then that telemedicine should be used more widely.

Debater was represented by a freestanding black display roughly the height and width of a person. In each debate, the system’s mellow, synthetic, female voice made a four-minute opening statement, before responding to its opponent’s own opener with a second four-minute spiel, and letting them respond in kind. Each competitor then got another two minutes to sum up.

Anyone who has spent much time talking to Siri or Alexa will appreciate the challenge taken on by researchers at IBM’s labs in Haifa, Israel. Although speech recognition has become fairly reliable, the nuances of language are extremely challenging for computers. Conversation where each utterance expands the complexity of the interaction has proven a particular challenge.

But a solid performance by Debater Monday showed how—in carefully designed scenarios—computers that talk are ready to do much more for us. In informal polls of the audience that included journalists and IBM staffers, Debater was rated more informative than the human on stage in both debates. Despite having no need for healthcare, it swayed more audience members to its arguments for telemedicine than its flesh-and-blood opponent.

Debater’s strategy is built on two core components. The software can pull sentences and quotes to support its position from a corpus of hundreds of millions of documents. It also has a framework of pre-built arguments, and even jokes, that it seeks opportunities to deploy. At one point, the system prefaced its response to Zafrir by noting that its blood would boil if it had blood.

Chris Reed, a professor of computer science and philosophy at the University of Dundee not affiliated with the project, watched Monday’s debates. He told WIRED afterwards that they showed technology of impressive maturity. Reed liked how Debater sometimes tried to preempt an opponent’s arguments in advance, a strategy known as procatalepsis. “She might say that subsidies are needed, but not for space exploration,” Debater said of Ovadia at one point, “If she can present data on what is needed for subsidy I would love to see it.”

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Debater didn’t perform perfectly. It didn’t seem capable of rebutting opponents’ claims in the precise way a human could, and failed to register some of the points fired at it. The system’s case for space exploration included a non sequitur claiming that nuclear-powered space exploration is intended to quash concerns about nuclear weapons in orbit. A Google search suggests the claim originates from an op-ed in a British socialist newspaper, the Morning Star. The facts and figures that IBM’s algorithmic arguer recited—apparently sourced from news articles—sometimes lacked necessary context, such as what country or region might expect to save a particular dollar amount quoted.

Despite those glitches, Debater’s performance suggested such technology could make its way into the lives of consumers and corporations, whether via IBM or its competitors. As with Google’s Duplex demo, it showed that computers can do powerful and surprising things with language in a carefully constrained situation.

That Debater struck audience members as more informative than human debaters might presage assistants like Alexa doing more than recalling facts from Wikipedia. Imagine asking for a comparison of the pros and cons of Hawaii and Fiji as vacation destinations, or an explanation of different views on a topic in the news.

Reed, the Dundee professor, says he can imagine technology like Debater’s software helping people evaluate claims made in fake news online. He can also see IBM and others creating virtual assistants that contribute to discussions among executives or lawyers in board rooms or even courtrooms. IBM says it has tested some Debater technology to advise investment professionals, and is interested in having it help politicians consider the different sides to tricky issues.

The company also plans to keep working on the existing version of Debater as a research challenge. If you find yourself having to take it on, Reed suggests employing irony and sarcasm. “I think it wouldn’t be difficult to bamboozle if you wanted,” he says.


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After year of crisis, YouTube to mollify creators sought by rival Instagram

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What will Instagram get out of opening their platform to long form video content? USA TODAY’s Jefferson Graham ponders this with several Internet video insiders. USA TODAY

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LOS ANGELES – Rafi Fine has been uploading videos to YouTube since shortly after it started 13 years ago. He looks on with wonderment at the year the No. 1 video network has just had.

Advertiser boycotts over predatory kids videos. A star creator – Logan Paul – penalized after he filmed a suicide victim. Sexual and violent videos masquerading as kids cartoons. Conspiracy theorists crowding its “trending” module.

On top of it all: new rules designed to weed out the worst offenders that also made it harder for smaller creators, the band of video bloggers that provide the lifeblood of this Google-owned platform, to make a dime.

YouTube’s intentions are good, and the network is headed in the right direction, says Fine, co-founder of the Los Angeles-based FBE media company and half of the Fine Bros. duo with brother Benny, whose channels have pulled in more than 10 billion views.

“But there’s no way to satisfy everybody, and there’s no way to be perfect,” he said.

Now, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitch and the other video networks are gunning for its audience and the creators disappointed by YouTube’s recent changes.

On Thursday, YouTube meets with the creator community for the first time since many of these issues erupted, hosting sessions and get-togethers at the VidCon convention in Anaheim, California, which attracts more than 30,000 attendees.

At VidCon, YouTube needs to “remind creators that they built this industry, are on their side and have steps to restore trust,” says Drew Baldwin , CEO and publisher of TubeFilter, a blog that covers online video.

One day before, Facebook-owned Instagram is staging a press event in New York and San Francisco where it’s expected to announce a major assault on YouTube by unveiling a platform for some creators to show videos longer than 60 seconds, plus a way to get compensated. Instagram declined to comment.

Facebook in the past has made similar announcements but never went through with opening the platform for compensation beyond a handful of creators.

“YouTube isn’t the only game in town anymore,” says Reza Izad, CEO of Studio71, which represents more than 1,000 YouTubers in a digital management company. “The more platforms we can put our content in, the happier we are.”

With 400 hours of new video uploaded every minute – ranging from “Saturday Night Live” clips and music videos to homegrown fare such as the FBE channels, Logan Paul and Dude Perfect, a comedy troupe that does sports tricks – YouTube has soaked up an increasing share of Americans’ video watching time.

Nearly three-quarters of U.S. adults use the platform, and it’s even more popular with young viewers: 94 percent of 18 to 24 year olds use YouTube, estimates the Pew Research Center, which cites it as the No. 1 app for young people, ahead of Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat.

The platform became a force by sharing a portion of the revenues from ads that run on the videos with the creators, enabling a generation of entertainers to earn a living – and in some cases, tens of millions of dollars – with channels focused on gaming reviews, beauty tips, comedy or commentary.

But that financial payout came with a dark side: It encouraged creators all over the world to game-search algorithms and one-up themselves to exploit public interest in a national event, such as a mass shooting, or attract more subscribers with pranks and stunts that were dangerous to themselves and their millions of young fans.

More: Logan Paul suicide video: Is YouTube not safe for kids?

More: Got a kid who loves YouTube? Take these steps to bar them from the worst

More: 7 days from fringe to mainstream: How a conspiracy theory ricocheted around the web

“I’ve seen how some bad actors are exploiting our openness to mislead, manipulate, harass or even harm,” YouTube CEO Susan Wojcicki said in a blog post.

New, tighter controls over what creators could post and how they get to share in ad revenues were announced in January, along with a promise of more human oversight of submitted videos.

Many smaller creators complained that the changes resulted in lower views and compensation, or more drastically, YouTube pulling back on allowing them to share in any revenues.

One distraught creator burst into YouTube’s San Bruno, California, headquarters with a gun in April, injuring three employees and killing herself. Wojcicki, responding to the attack, acknowledged the “last year has not been easy” for video creators.

Against this backdrop, YouTube’s rivals in video streaming are expected to make their own bids for the lucrative, top tier of creators.

According to marketing firm Mediakix, the highly coveted “influencer” market, folks with large online followings, will be worth $2 billion yearly by 2019. Studio71’s Izad says some 55 percent of the money spent by marketers with influencers goes to creators who post photos on Instagram, with the other 45 percent to traditional YouTube videos and the ads that run on those channels.

Still, Mary Ermitanio, a consultant with the Manatt Digital firm, says Instagram is in for a tough ride with higher-end video. “People aren’t going to Instagram to see professionally produced videos,” she says. “Getting people to watch will be a challenge.”

But at VidCon, rivals will be trying to convince creators otherwise. The convention floor will go beyond YouTube, to have Pinterest, Twitter, Facebook and Instagram and Twitch, alongside others.

Chris Williams, founder of kid video brand pocket.watch, says the platform to “watch out for” is Twitch, the live-streaming gaming channel owned by Amazon.

Like YouTube, it rewards creators with a cut of the ad revenues. And despite its history as a channel devoted just to watching other people play games, Williams sees Twitch expanding to a broader audience.

“If there’s anyone who could compete with YouTube today, it’s not Facebook or Instagram, it’s Twitch,” Williams said.

Amazon bought Twitch in 2014 for nearly $1 billion. “Amazon started as just a place to sell books online, and look at it now,” he said. “Will Twitch remain just an e-sports platform? I doubt it.”

Twitch noted that it already has expanded beyond gaming, pointing to shows about food, art and wrestling.

Meanwhile, from YouTube chief product officer Neal Mohan, who will address attendees Thursday, video creators need to hear specifics about changes that can help them make more money, Izah says.

“When you make less than you made the year before, you’re not happy,” Izah adds.

That didn’t happen for all. YouTube cleaned out lower-viewed channels and videos that disobeyed community guidelines on violent, sexual and suggestive content. But YouTube says channels earning five figures annually grew more than 35 percent, while channels earning six figures annually grew more than 40 percent. YouTube is expected to announce several new tools for creators to help them grow their businesses at VidCon.

Chris Raney, who runs the family friendly Yellow Productions travel channel on YouTube, saw his revenues increase 30 percent in 2018, which he attributes to the algorithm changes.

“One side of the coin says free speech is important,” he says. “But I also think YouTube spending time trying to make YouTube a better, friendlier place is good.”

Follow USA TODAY’s Jefferson Graham (@jeffersongraham) on Twitter, Instagram and YouTube.

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What Oprah's Apple deal tells you about your next Apple subscription bill

LOS ANGELES – We know that Apple is bankrolling Hollywood stars such as Oprah to make TV shows for the iPhone distributor. We don’t know when they will appear or in what form – could it be part of the existing Apple Music service or a new entertainment channel to take on Netflix and Amazon, perhaps?

Apple long has offered video-on-demand services, but it never has offered anything to rival Netflix or Hulu. Instead, it has directed viewers to its iTunes service, where they could buy and rent movies for viewing on computers, phones and via the Apple TV set-top box.

This à la carte service competes with YouTube and Amazon Video rentals. But so far, Apple doesn’t offer monthly video streaming, which soaked up nearly $15 billion in consumer dollars in 2018, according to eMarketer.

Instead, it’s mostly focused on a monthly music subscription, Apple Music, which charges $9.99 monthly and boasts 50 million subscribers, second to No. 1 Spotify with 75 million subscribers.

Related: Oprah Winfrey to create new TV shows for Apple

ICYMI: Tom Brady tells Oprah how Patriots handled national anthem controversy

Apple doesn’t break out how much iTunes and Apple Music contribute to its Services division, but that unit has become Apple’s second-largest revenue generator, after the iPhone and above the iPad and Macintosh computers. Services, which also includes iCloud backup storage subscriptions, brought in more than $9 billion in the most recent quarter.

Services will represent 14 percent of Apple revenues in 2018 and grow to 20 percent by 2023, predicts Gene Munster, an analyst and investor with Minneapolis-based Loup Ventures.

Now, Apple looks like it’s building another service, for video, but hasn’t unveiled if that will be part of iTunes or something new. In the announcement about Winfrey joining the Apple fold, it said little about what the project would be, only: “Together, Winfrey and Apple will create original programs that embrace her incomparable ability to connect with audiences around the world.”

‘Watching Oprah’ explores TV icon’s impact

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The National Museum of African American History & Culture's

The National Museum of African American History & Culture’s new temporary exhibition “Watching Oprah: ‘The Oprah Winfrey Show’ and American Culture” explores the era that shaped Oprah Winfrey’s life and early career in TV, her talk show that dominated daytime TV for 25 years and the ways in which she has influenced American popular culture. It features original artifacts from Harpo Studios in Chicago and from Smithsonian collections as well as video clips, interactives and photographs. The exhibition opens to the public on June 8, 2018 and continues through June 2019.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
A closer look at a collection of audience chairs shows

A closer look at a collection of audience chairs shows a box of tissues has been placed under each studio seat.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
Artifacts on display include microphones and a glass

Artifacts on display include microphones and a glass mug used on “The Oprah Winfrey Show.”  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
Lonnie G. Bunch III, founding director of the National

Lonnie G. Bunch III, founding director of the National Museum of African American History & Culture speaks during a press preview for the new temporary exhibition “Watching Oprah: ‘The Oprah Winfrey Show’ and American Culture” in front of a mural composed of titles of the daytime series.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
Elements of the the Harpo Studios Chicago office, including

Elements of the the Harpo Studios Chicago office, including Oprah Winfrey’s desk.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
Personal photos including a framed image of Stedman

Personal photos including a framed image of Stedman Graham are seen on the desk used by Oprah Winfrey in the Chicago offices of Harpo Studios.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
The L'Wren Scott dress, center, worn by Oprah Winfrey

The L’Wren Scott dress, center, worn by Oprah Winfrey on the “Surprise Oprah! A Farewell Spectacular” show in 2011 is on display.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
A display in the exhibit features photos of some of

A display in the exhibit features photos of some of the guests who appeared on “The Oprah Winfrey Show.”  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
Oprah Winfrey's Legends Ball gown designed by Vera

Oprah Winfrey’s Legends Ball gown designed by Vera Wang and a portrait by Artis Lane presented to Winfrey in 2005.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
The Presidential Medal of Freedom was presented to

The Presidential Medal of Freedom was presented to Oprah Winfrey by President Barack Obama in 2013.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
Emmy Awards from 1987-1998 won by "The Oprah Winfrey

Emmy Awards from 1987-1998 won by “The Oprah Winfrey Show.”  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY
The exhibit features the dress and shoes worn by Oprah

The exhibit features the dress and shoes worn by Oprah Winfrey on Jan. 7, 2018 when she became the first black woman to receive the Cecil B. DeMille Award at the Golden Globes.  Jack Gruber/USA TODAY

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However, Apple clearly seems to be following a path laid by Netflix, Amazon Video and Hulu, which credit original content for subscriber growth.

Apple has reached out to some of the biggest names in entertainment, including producer/directors Steven Spielberg and Damien Chazelle and A-list actors Reese Witherspoon and Jennifer Aniston to produce shows for the company.

“I think you can be sure Apple will come to the market with something that will be instantly impactful to the already crowded entertainment marketplace, something that’s going to concern competition whether it’s a streaming service like Netflix or a broadcast network like NBC,” says Andrew Wallenstein, co-editor of the show biz bible “Variety.” “It’s a sure bet Apple is going to make a splash in Hollywood. We just don’t know yet what shape that splash will take.”

Apple needs to catch up to Netflix, which will end 2018 with nearly 1,000 original titles and an expense of $3.5 billion on programming, compared to $900 million for Apple.

More: Top Sony TV execs depart to oversee Apple video

Related: Jessica Alba, Gwyneth Paltrow steer Apple to ‘Planet of the Apps’

So far, Apple’s two originals have not fared well. The first two projects, the “Planet of the Apps” game show and an extended reboot of the late night bit “Carpool Karaoke,” were panned by critics.

However, the company has an advantage in 1.3 billion iPhones in use around the globe, which can be used to plug the new shows.

“Apple Music’s market share gains over the past two years are a testimony to the power of coupling Services with widely adopted hardware,” Munster said in a note to investors. “An unrelated advantage is Apple’s brand, which, at its core, represents quality and attention to detail, and should translate into favorable initial adoption.”

Apple currently has a music subscription service with more than 50 million subscribers where it shows those two originals, “Planet of the Apps” and “Carpool Karaoke.”

In 2017, Apple hired two former Sony TV chiefs, Jamie Erlicht and Zack Van Amburg, to make deals and bring in talent to Apple.

The pair has been on a tear making deals in Hollywood. Munster estimates total productions at 19, highlighted by a remake of Spielberg’s 1980s era NBC anthology series “Amazing Stories,” movies about the lives of poet Emily Dickinson (starring Hailee Steinfeld (“True Grit”) and NBA great Kevin Durant, and a backstage look at a morning TV show in a series starring Witherspoon (“Little Big Lies”) and Aniston (“Friends.”)

Follow USA TODAY’s Jefferson Graham (@jeffersongraham) on Twitter, Instagram and YouTube.

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Amazon investors join ACLU urging halt to facial recognition tool used by police

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SEATTLE (AP) — Some Amazon company investors said Monday they are siding with privacy and civil rights advocates who are urging the tech giant to not sell a powerful face recognition tool to police.

The American Civil Liberties Union is leading the effort against Amazon’s Rekognition product, delivering a petition with 152,000 signatures to the company’s Seattle headquarters Monday, telling the company to “cancel this order.” They’re asking Amazon to stop marketing Rekognition to government agencies over privacy issues that they say can be used to discriminate against minorities.

Amazon said it’s an object detection tool. The company through a spokesman said it can be used for law enforcement tasks ranging from fighting human trafficking to finding lost children, and that just like computers, it can be a force for good in responsible hands.

But a group of 19 investment managing companies, including Harrington Investments, Inc. and Walden Asset Management, expressed concerns about the tool.

More: Amazon should stop selling facial recognition software to police, ACLU and other rights groups say

More: Microsoft, under fire for ICE deal, says it’s ‘dismayed’ by family separations at border

More: Google employee activism on diversity, Pentagon contract is shaking up Internet giant

John Harrington, president and CEO of the California-based Harrington Investments, Inc., said the investors collectively manage about $10 billion in common voting stock among thousands of individual investors. They account for a small percent of shareholders, between 5 and 10 percent, for the online behemoth.

Harrington said there are concerns Rekognition could open the company up to lawsuits. In a letter last week, the companies told Amazon to stop expanding, developing and marketing it until it could demonstrate there was adequate fiduciary oversight. They also want Amazon to place appropriate guidelines and policies in place to protect citizens, customers and stakeholders.

“We don’t know of any restrictions or parameters or policy decisions that Amazon made in going ahead and marketing this. We’re concerned about some serious privacy right issues and also we’re concerned this may be litigious,” Harrington said.

It’s not clear how many law enforcement agencies have purchased the tool since its launch in late 2016 or since its update last fall, when Amazon added capabilities that allow it to identify people in videos and follow their movements almost instantly.

Privacy advocates are worried that it could have potentially dire consequences for minorities who are already arrested at disproportionate rates, immigrants who may be in the country illegally or political protesters, they said.

On Monday, the advocates against the product cited the dangers of blanket police surveillance in front of Amazon’s Spheres building. The demonstration happened steps away from where young tech workers sat eating lunch and lounged on giant bean bags in a courtyard.

“We know what surveillance can do. Surveillance can kill people,” said Garry Owens of the Legacy of Equality, Leadership and Organizing.

Amazon previously noted that said some agencies have used the program to find abducted people, and amusement parks have used it to find lost children.

British broadcaster Sky News used Rekognition to help viewers identify celebrities at the royal wedding of Prince Harry and Meghan Markle last month.

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Supreme Court to consider whether buyers of iPhone apps can sue Apple for alleged monopoly

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WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court will consider whether the purchasers of iPhone apps can sue Apple over allegations it has an illegal monopoly on the sale of the apps.

The court said Monday that it will take a case from the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit, which ruled in January that the purchasers of iPhone apps could sue Apple. Their lawsuit says that when a customer buys an app the price includes a 30 percent markup that goes to Apple.

Apple had argued that it did not sell apps, but instead acted as an intermediary used by the app developers.

Apple won initially in a lower court which dismissed the lawsuit.

More: Samsung wins Supreme Court fight with Apple

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Congress, White House head for showdown over Chinese telecom ZTE after Senate OKs defense bill

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A huge Chinese telecommunications company hired a former member of the Trump campaign as a lobbyist a day after President Donald Trump spoke about easing restrictions on the company. Susana Victoria Perez (@susana_vp) has more. Buzz60

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WASHINGTON – Congress and the White House moved closer to a showdown on Monday when the Senate approved a defense bill that would block the president’s plan to save the Chinese telecom ZTE.

The Senate voted 85 to 10 to approve its version of the National Defense Authorization Act, which authorizes $716 billion in spending on military personnel and hardware, construction projects and other defense programs.

But the provision that has sparked the most debate – and provoked the ire of the White House – is language tucked into the bill last week stopping the Trump administration’s deal with ZTE.

Administration officials announced two weeks ago they would lift a crippling ban on U.S. companies doing business with ZTE and instead impose a $1 billion penalty on the firm. The ban had been put in place in retaliation for ZTE violating U.S. sanctions against exporting to Iran and North Korea.

President Donald Trump sought the deal to lift the ban and impose the penalty after a personal request from Chinese President Xi Jinping.

The decision infuriated a bipartisan group of senators led by Republican Tom Cotton of Arkansas and Democrat Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, who warned that ZTE is a threat to national security.

Their amendment would not only block the deal, it also would ban U.S. government agencies from buying or leasing telecom equipment and services from ZTE and another Chinese telecom firm, Huawei. The government also would be prohibited from using grants and loans to subsidize the two companies or their affiliates.

The issue will likely be resolved in a conference committee between the Senate and the House, which passed its version of the defense bill before the ZTE deal had been reached.

Besides the ZTE language, the Senate defense bill contains several other provisions intended to discourage further aggression by China and Russia. The legislation calls for a report on China’s military and coercive activities in the South China Sea and authorizes the National Command Authority to take action to disrupt ongoing cyberattacks by Russia.

In addition, the bill contains a 2.6 percent pay raise for members of the Armed Services, the largest in a decade. It authorizes $7.6 billion for 75 Joint Strike Fighter aircraft and $23.1 billion to build 10 battleships and speed up funding for several future ships.

The legislation doesn’t actually provide any money for the military. It’s a blueprint that merely authorizes spending on various programs and policies. Actual appropriations are made through separate legislation, but lawmakers often closely follow the priorities spelled out under the authorization bill.

More: House debates defense bill that authorizes smaller nukes, space force and a military parade.

More: White House, Senate GOP battle over President Trump’s deal with China’s ZTE

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